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Public Administration Review 期刊封面

Public Administration Review

公共行政与美国民主的危机

Donald F. Kettl

英文原题

Public Administration and the Crisis of American Democracy

公共管理领域正面临真正的危机。美国民众不信任政府及其管理者。当选官员将职业公务员体系攻击为“深层政府”的代理人,尽管承认这一点或许不易,但公共管理的许多批评者所言确有道理。政府的表现往往未能达到公众期望,从业者常常显得对当选官员不够响应,而研究者似乎也只能为从业者提供模糊的指导。然而,公共管理无疑比以往任何时候都更为重要,它承担着将公共目标转化为有效行动,并…

阅读完整摘要 ↗
公共管理领域正面临真正的危机。美国民众不信任政府及其管理者。当选官员将职业公务员体系攻击为“深层政府”的代理人,尽管承认这一点或许不易,但公共管理的许多批评者所言确有道理。政府的表现往往未能达到公众期望,从业者常常显得对当选官员不够响应,而研究者似乎也只能为从业者提供模糊的指导。然而,公共管理无疑比以往任何时候都更为重要,它承担着将公共目标转化为有效行动,并实现麦迪逊及其同僚在建国之初所期望的民主愿景的使命。该领域亟需新的战略与策略,以解决国家面临的新一代难题。通过携手合作,从业者与研究者可以基于这些难题,共同描绘一条激动人心的前进之路。
查看原文摘要
The field of public administration stands amid genuine crisis. Americans don't trust government or its administrators. Elected officials have attacked the career service as agents of the “deep state” and, though it might be hard to admit, many of public administration's critics have a point. Government's performance too often falls short of what people expect, practitioners too often seem too unresponsive to elected officials, and researchers too often seem to have only fuzzy guidance for practitioners. However, public administration undoubtedly is more important now than ever in translating public goals into effective action, and in bringing to life the democratic aspirations Madison and his colleagues wished for the country at its founding. The field urgently needs new strategies and tactics for solving the new generation of puzzles the country faces. In coming together, practitioners and researchers build on these puzzles to chart an exciting road forward.

机构失忆与中央政府机构中“为何理由”的丧失

Alastair Stark, Hridesh Gajurel, Jack Corbett, Dennis C. Grube, Heather Lovell et al.

英文原题

Institutional Amnesia and the Loss of “The Why Rationale” in Central Government Agencies

本文基于对澳大利亚、新西兰及英国威斯敏斯特体系下 115 位官员的访谈数据,证实了制度性失忆与公务员理解其组织环境能力之间存在腐蚀性关系。提出公务员质疑其周围政策、程序及组织框架为何如此的过程,是这种关系运作的一种媒介。随后分析了这种关系及过程产生的四个问题性效应:(1)公务员遵循但不理解程序,(2)无法解释的组织方面被弃置,(3)新组织特征叠加于旧有之上,…

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本文基于对澳大利亚、新西兰及英国威斯敏斯特体系下 115 位官员的访谈数据,证实了制度性失忆与公务员理解其组织环境能力之间存在腐蚀性关系。提出公务员质疑其周围政策、程序及组织框架为何如此的过程,是这种关系运作的一种媒介。随后分析了这种关系及过程产生的四个问题性效应:(1)公务员遵循但不理解程序,(2)无法解释的组织方面被弃置,(3)新组织特征叠加于旧有之上,造成复杂性,以及(4)公共服务效率低下及随之而来的公务员挫败感。文章最后阐述了这一重要关系对公共管理学者及实践者的启示。
查看原文摘要
Data from 115 interviews conducted with officials in the Westminster systems of Australia, New Zealand, and the United Kingdom is used to substantiate a corrosive relationship between institutional amnesia and the ability of public servants to make sense of their organizational context. A process in which public servants question why the policies, procedures, and organizational frameworks that surround them is proposed as one medium through which this relationship operates. Four problematic effects produced by this relationship and process are subsequently analyzed: (1) public servants following but not understanding procedures, (2) inexplicable organizational aspects getting abandoned, (3) the layering of new organizational features on top of old ones, creating complexity, and (4) public service inefficiencies and associated public servant frustration. The article concludes with the implications of this important relationship for public administration scholars and practitioners.

引导与释放:一项安全与司法组织数字化转型 20 年回顾性案例研究的洞见

Friso Selten, Dorus van Loo, Bram Klievink

英文原题

Steering and Setting Free: Insights From a 20‐Year Retrospective Case Study of a Security and Justice Organization's Digital Transformation

数字技术的进步预计将从根本上改变组织的运作方式和价值创造方式。实证研究表明,公共组织在组织和维持这一数字化转型过程中面临诸多困难。为更深入理解这些挑战,本研究考察了过去 20 年间某公共组织数字化转型背后的组织机制。研究发现,这一转型主要依靠涌现式变革路径得以实现,而具有影响力的计划性变革仅偶有发生。我们识别了两种变革类型背后的组织机制,并分析了它们之间的相…

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数字技术的进步预计将从根本上改变组织的运作方式和价值创造方式。实证研究表明,公共组织在组织和维持这一数字化转型过程中面临诸多困难。为更深入理解这些挑战,本研究考察了过去 20 年间某公共组织数字化转型背后的组织机制。研究发现,这一转型主要依靠涌现式变革路径得以实现,而具有影响力的计划性变革仅偶有发生。我们识别了两种变革类型背后的组织机制,并分析了它们之间的相互依存关系。研究结果表明,有效推动公共组织的数字化转型可能既需要涌现式变革,也需要计划性变革,但在实践中将两者结合颇为复杂。
查看原文摘要
Advances in digital technologies are expected to fundamentally change how organizations operate and create value. Empirical studies show that public organizations face difficulties organizing and sustaining this digital transformation. To better understand these challenges, this study examines the organizational mechanisms underlying digital transformation in a public organization over the past 20 years. Our findings show that this transformation was primarily enabled by an emergent change approach, with influential planned changes occurring only occasionally. We identify the organizational mechanisms underlying both types of change and analyze their interdependence. Our findings suggest that both emergent and planned change approaches may be needed to enable digital transformation in public organizations effectively, but that combining them is complex in practice.

字里行间:解码公共部门与私营部门招聘广告中的信号差异

Nico Gießmann, Nicolas Drathschmidt

英文原题

Between the Lines: Decoding Signaling Differences in Public and Private Sector Job Advertisements

为了在“人才争夺战”中胜出,公共部门雇主必须展示出相对于私营雇主的优势。尽管公共服务动机(PSM)能预测部门偏好,但学者们对于公共雇主是否(能够)在招聘广告中有效传达 PSM 存在分歧。因此,本文探讨了公共与私营部门招聘广告在语言上的差异。我们收集了两个部门各 5000 份广告,并运用自然语言处理(NLP)和定性内容分析。两个部门均使用可能缩小应聘者范围的专…

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为了在“人才争夺战”中胜出,公共部门雇主必须展示出相对于私营雇主的优势。尽管公共服务动机(PSM)能预测部门偏好,但学者们对于公共雇主是否(能够)在招聘广告中有效传达 PSM 存在分歧。因此,本文探讨了公共与私营部门招聘广告在语言上的差异。我们收集了两个部门各 5000 份广告,并运用自然语言处理(NLP)和定性内容分析。两个部门均使用可能缩小应聘者范围的专业化语言。PSM 信号在公共部门出现更为频繁,但情感动机很少被传达;相反,自我牺牲被框定为法律义务。公共部门广告采用理性语气,而非阐述目的和社会价值。法律强制且饱和的信号可能被视为低成本且无效。研究结果解释了关于 PSM 信号传递的混合结果,并强调了 PSM 相关招聘实践中理论与实践的差距。
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To compete in the “war for talent,” public sector employers must demonstrate advantages over private employers. While public service motivation (PSM) predicts sector preference, scholars disagree on whether public employers (can) effectively signal PSM in job advertisements. Consequently, this article examines how public and private job advertisements differ in language. We collected 5000 advertisements from both sectors and performed natural language processing (NLP) and qualitative content analysis. Both sectors use specialized language that can narrow the applicant pool. PSM signals appear more often in the public sector, but affective motives are rarely communicated; instead, self‐sacrifice is framed as a legal obligation. Public sector advertisements adopt a rational tone instead of explaining purpose and societal value. Legally mandated, saturated signals may be perceived as low‐cost and ineffective. The findings explain the mixed results concerning PSM signaling and underscore the gap between theory and practice in PSM‐related recruitment efforts.

治理储备:管理层自由裁量权与政府信用度

Sharon N. Kioko, Temirlan T. Moldogaziev

英文原题

Governing Reserves: Managerial Discretion and Government Creditworthiness

政府实现盈余和积累储备的能力反映了审慎的财政管理,而储备的积累则标志着良好的预算实践。储备对于经济下行期间的稳健财政治理至关重要,管理者对这些资源的自由裁量权对于最小化服务交付中断至关重要。尽管正式储备的反周期效益已有充分文献记载,但管理者对储备保留的自由裁量权却较少受到关注。以信用评级作为信用度的代理指标,我们发现管理者对积累资源的自由裁量权增强了财政灵活…

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政府实现盈余和积累储备的能力反映了审慎的财政管理,而储备的积累则标志着良好的预算实践。储备对于经济下行期间的稳健财政治理至关重要,管理者对这些资源的自由裁量权对于最小化服务交付中断至关重要。尽管正式储备的反周期效益已有充分文献记载,但管理者对储备保留的自由裁量权却较少受到关注。以信用评级作为信用度的代理指标,我们发现管理者对积累资源的自由裁量权增强了财政灵活性并提升了信用度;然而,仅存在正式储备并不能改善信用评级。本研究为新兴文献做出贡献,探讨更好的财务报告是否有助于理解公共部门组织中管理灵活性与问责机制之间的关键平衡。
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A government's ability to generate surpluses and build reserves reflects prudent financial management, with the accumulation of reserves signaling sound budgeting practices. Reserves are essential for sound fiscal governance during economic downturns, and managerial discretion over these resources is crucial to minimizing disruptions in service delivery. While the counter‐cyclical benefits of formal reserves are well documented, less attention has been paid to the discretion managers retain over reserves. Using credit ratings as a proxy for creditworthiness, we find that managerial discretion over accumulated resources enhances fiscal flexibility and strengthens creditworthiness; however, the presence of formal reserves alone does not improve credit ratings. Our study contributes to an emerging literature exploring whether better financial reporting can help us understand the critical balance between management flexibility and accountability mechanisms in public‐sector organizations.
JPART 期刊封面

JPART

风险管理中风险沟通与问责考量的平衡:重大公共项目投资研究

Sof Thrane, Ulrik Christiansen, Torben Juul Andersen, Giulio Zichella

英文原题

Balancing risk communication and accountability concerns in risk management: A study of major public project investments

公共组织的高效管理要求对新兴风险作出及时响应,然而,在政治化的问责环境中,向上级传达这些风险可能使运营管理者面临指责。本研究基于对丹麦国防部两个主要采购与维护项目七年间提交的 130 份风险报告的分析,探讨了公共管理者如何应对这一张力。采用溯因定性方法,我们构建了一个包含四个阶段的动态风险管理模型:(1)风险作为运营关切,(2)将风险转化为组织问题,(3)归…

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公共组织的高效管理要求对新兴风险作出及时响应,然而,在政治化的问责环境中,向上级传达这些风险可能使运营管理者面临指责。本研究基于对丹麦国防部两个主要采购与维护项目七年间提交的 130 份风险报告的分析,探讨了公共管理者如何应对这一张力。采用溯因定性方法,我们构建了一个包含四个阶段的动态风险管理模型:(1)风险作为运营关切,(2)将风险转化为组织问题,(3)归责与问责,(4)启动缓解与应对措施。研究发现,风险沟通与问责沟通是相互依赖的过程,而非独立的序列过程。运营管理者在试图提升对新兴风险认知的同时,也在规避潜在指责并迎合上级对公众审视的关切。这种张力产生了仅在绝对必要时才报告的压力,而高层管理者往往推迟行动以避免政治曝光。这些做法导致了延误、项目未达规格以及显著的预算超支。本研究推进了公共部门风险管理的动态理论,并解释了层级沟通实践如何影响新兴风险是否、何时以及如何得到应对。
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Effective administration of public organizations requires timely responses to emerging risks, yet communicating those risks up the hierarchy can expose operational managers to blame in politicized accountability environments. This study examines how public managers navigated that tension in an analysis of 130 risk reports filed over a seven-year period associated with two major procurement and maintenance projects in the Danish Defence. Using an abductive qualitative approach, we develop a dynamic model of risk management with four phases: (1) risk as an operational concern, (2) turning risk into an organizational problem, (3) assigning blame and accountability, and (4) initiating mitigation and response. We find that risk and accountability communication are interdependent processes rather than independent sequential processes. Operational managers attempt to raise awareness of emerging risks while simultaneously deflecting potential blame and catering to higher-level concerns about public scrutiny. This tension generates pressure to only report when it is absolutely necessary, while higher-level managers often postpone action to avoid political exposure. These practices contribute to delays, projects not meeting specifications, and significant budget overruns. The study advances a dynamic theory of public sector risk management and explains how hierarchical communication practices influence whether, when, and how emerging risks are addressed.

常规化遵从:儿童保护服务中的预测性筛查与官僚能力

Jiaen Wu

英文原题

Routinized Deference: Predictive Screening and Bureaucratic Capacity in Child Protective Services

预测算法日益被用于支持公共管理中的一线决策,但关于它们如何影响官僚能力的证据仍然有限。本研究利用 NCANDS 数据(2010-2023 年)和堆叠双重差分设计,考察了美国儿童保护服务中县级预测性筛查工具的采用情况。利用交错采用,我发现调查启动总数没有变化,而经证实的调查比例显著下降(约 15%)。这些结果与运营能力提升不一致,而更符合侵蚀分析能力的错误分类…

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预测算法日益被用于支持公共管理中的一线决策,但关于它们如何影响官僚能力的证据仍然有限。本研究利用 NCANDS 数据(2010-2023 年)和堆叠双重差分设计,考察了美国儿童保护服务中县级预测性筛查工具的采用情况。利用交错采用,我发现调查启动总数没有变化,而经证实的调查比例显著下降(约 15%)。这些结果与运营能力提升不一致,而更符合侵蚀分析能力的错误分类。这些发现与一种常规化遵从机制相符:在工作量和问责压力下,算法建议可能成为程序上可辩护的默认选项。总体而言,本研究认为预测性筛查并非默认增强能力,因为常规化遵从可能削弱官僚工作中核心的专业判断。
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Predictive algorithms are increasingly used to support frontline decision-making in public administration, but evidence remains limited on how they affect bureaucratic capacity. This study examines county-level adoption of predictive screening tools in U.S. Child Protective Services using NCANDS data (2010–2023) and a stacked difference-in-differences design. Leveraging staggered adoption, I find no change in the total number of investigations opened and a sizable decline (about 15%) in the share of investigations that are substantiated. These results are inconsistent with operational capacity gains and more consistent with misclassification that erodes analytical capacity. These findings are consistent with a mechanism of routinized deference: under workload and accountability pressures, algorithmic recommendations can become procedurally defensible defaults. Overall, this study argues that predictive screening is not capacity-enhancing by default, as routinized deference can undermine the professional judgment central to bureaucratic work.

生成性空间:监管沙盒中的协作、学习与创新

Carl Macrae, Christopher K Ansell

英文原题

Generative spaces: collaboration, learning, and innovation in a regulatory sandbox

公共管理者日益被要求创造“生成性空间”,以促进协作、学习和创新的涌现过程。本文对一种相对新颖但日益流行的生成性空间——监管沙盒——进行了归纳性和基于民族志的研究。监管沙盒是由监管机构建立的一个受控且明确界定的空间及一系列流程,旨在与创新者合作,共同探索、测试和学习早期阶段的产品与创新,并理解新兴的监管影响。通过调查一个国家医疗监管机构为探索新型人工智能技术监…

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公共管理者日益被要求创造“生成性空间”,以促进协作、学习和创新的涌现过程。本文对一种相对新颖但日益流行的生成性空间——监管沙盒——进行了归纳性和基于民族志的研究。监管沙盒是由监管机构建立的一个受控且明确界定的空间及一系列流程,旨在与创新者合作,共同探索、测试和学习早期阶段的产品与创新,并理解新兴的监管影响。通过调查一个国家医疗监管机构为探索新型人工智能技术监管而开展的沙盒项目,我们识别出使沙盒在协作、学习和创新方面具有“生成性”的组织实践。归纳分析揭示了三种关键的组织实践:提供与常规监管要求相分离的多样且独特的社会空间(保护);使参与者能够协作审视创新,并迭代发展新知识和监管规则(适应);以及支持从多元视角对创新进行聚焦且沉浸式的审视(参与)。一项基于理论驱动的二次分析表明,生成性空间可以被理解为促进超脱、对等和重构的阈限体验。
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Public administrators are increasingly called upon to create “generative spaces” that foster emergent processes of collaboration, learning, and innovation. This article presents an inductive and ethnographically grounded study of one relatively novel but increasingly popular generative space—a regulatory sandbox. A regulatory sandbox is a controlled and defined space and set of processes that are established by regulators to work with innovators to collaboratively explore, test, and learn about early-stage products and innovations and understand emerging regulatory implications. Investigating a sandbox to explore the regulation of new artificial intelligence technologies conducted by a national healthcare regulator, we identify the organizing practices of the sandbox that make it “generative” of collaboration, learning, and innovation. An inductive analysis identified three key organizing practices: providing distinct and varied social spaces separated from normal regulatory demands (protection); enabling participants to collaboratively examine innovations and iteratively develop new knowledge and regulation (adaptation); and supporting focused and immersive examination of innovations from a diverse range of perspectives (participation). A theoretically driven secondary analysis suggests that generative spaces can be understood as liminal experiences that foster detachment, equivalence, and reconstruction.

跨源印证与地方政府注意力的动态变化:来自新兴政策领域的证据

Yingxin Zhang, Yixue Yao, Kaifeng Yang

英文原题

Cross-source corroboration and the dynamics of local government attention: evidence from an emerging policy field

政府同时接收来自上级机关、同级辖区和社会公众的信号,然而现有研究很少解释政府如何决定哪些信号值得占据稀缺的议程空间。我们提出了一种关于政府注意力的跨来源印证视角,认为当信号得到来自结构性不同来源的线索印证时,其影响力会更大,因为这种汇聚降低了模糊性,使议题显得重要、合法且可操作。利用《政府工作报告》和百度指数来衡量对数字政府的关注度,我们对 2012 至 2…

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政府同时接收来自上级机关、同级辖区和社会公众的信号,然而现有研究很少解释政府如何决定哪些信号值得占据稀缺的议程空间。我们提出了一种关于政府注意力的跨来源印证视角,认为当信号得到来自结构性不同来源的线索印证时,其影响力会更大,因为这种汇聚降低了模糊性,使议题显得重要、合法且可操作。利用《政府工作报告》和百度指数来衡量对数字政府的关注度,我们对 2012 至 2024 年间 283 个中国城市进行了双向固定效应模型估计。研究发现,上级关注、同级关注和公众关注均与地方关注呈正相关。这些信号还相互强化:上级关注增强了同级关注和公众关注与地方关注之间的关联,而同级关注则增强了公众关注与地方关注之间的关联。时间模式也存在差异:上级关注与地方关注的关联在后期变得更强,同级关注的关联总体保持稳定,而公众关注的关联则趋于增强。这些发现推进了注意力分配理论,表明政府注意力是信号解读的关系性和构型性结果,而非对孤立制度压力的加总性回应。
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Governments receive simultaneous cues from superior authorities, peer jurisdictions, and societal audiences, yet existing research rarely explains how they decide which cues warrant scarce agenda space. We develop a cross-source corroboration perspective on governmental attention and argue that signals become more consequential when they are corroborated by cues from structurally different sources, because convergence reduces ambiguity and makes an issue appear important, legitimate, and actionable. Using Government Work Reports and the Baidu Index to measure attention to digital government, we estimate two-way fixed-effects models for 283 Chinese cities over 2012–2024. We find that superior, peer, and public attention are each positively associated with local attention. The signals also reinforce one another: superior attention strengthens the associations of both peer and public attention with local attention, while peer attention strengthens the association of public attention with local attention. Temporal patterns also differ: the association of superior attention with local attention becomes stronger in the later period, that of peer attention remains broadly stable, and that of public attention tends to strengthen. These findings advance attention–allocation theory by showing that governmental attention is a relational and configurational outcome of signal interpretation rather than an additive response to isolated institutional pressures.

地方政府中的制度转换与数字化转型:轨迹的纵向分析

Adalmir de Oliveira Gomes

英文原题

Institutional conversion and digital transformation in local governments: a longitudinal analysis of trajectories

本文探讨了数字政府研究中的一个核心问题:为何在相似制度条件下运行的地方政府,其数字化转型轨迹会随时间呈现出显著差异?借鉴渐进式制度变迁理论,本研究将数字化转型概念化为一个制度转换过程,而非离散的采纳结果——在此过程中,技术能力被转化为持续的数字服务供给。信息治理被理论化为连接技术资源与持久组织成果的关键调节机制。分析结合了纵向面板模型、固定效应估计量以及基于…

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本文探讨了数字政府研究中的一个核心问题:为何在相似制度条件下运行的地方政府,其数字化转型轨迹会随时间呈现出显著差异?借鉴渐进式制度变迁理论,本研究将数字化转型概念化为一个制度转换过程,而非离散的采纳结果——在此过程中,技术能力被转化为持续的数字服务供给。信息治理被理论化为连接技术资源与持久组织成果的关键调节机制。分析结合了纵向面板模型、固定效应估计量以及基于轨迹的聚类方法,使用 2004 年至 2024 年间七轮调查中所有巴西市镇的面板数据(MUNIC/IBGE;N = 5,569)。结果表明,技术能力的提升与后续数字服务的增长相关联,但这些效应是渐进且具有条件性的。信息治理显著影响市镇随时间动员和稳定技术资源的方式,而交互模型揭示了与制度协调限制一致的非线性和递减回报。轨迹分析识别出四种不同的数字化转型模式,从“制度化先驱”到“持续停滞”,表明数字发展通过路径依赖和制度锚定的轨迹展开,而非简单的趋同。本文对公共行政研究的贡献体现在三个方面:提供了跨越二十年的地方数字化转型的罕见纵向证据;通过将治理概念化为制度转换机制,将制度变迁理论整合进数字政府研究;推进了基于轨迹的数字化转型解释,将关注点从零散的技术采纳转向塑造长期行政绩效的累积性制度过程。
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This article asks a central question in digital government research: why do local governments operating under similar institutional conditions follow sharply different digital transformation trajectories over time? Drawing on theories of gradual institutional change, the study conceptualizes digital transformation not as a discrete adoption outcome, but as a process of institutional conversion through which technological capacity is translated into sustained digital service provision. Information governance is theorized as the key conditioning mechanism linking technological resources to durable organizational outcomes. The analysis combines longitudinal panel models, fixed-effects estimators, and trajectory-based clustering using a panel of all Brazilian municipalities (MUNIC/IBGE; N = 5,569) across seven waves between 2004 and 2024. Results show that increases in technological capacity are associated with subsequent gains in digital services, but these effects are gradual and conditional. Information governance significantly shapes how municipalities mobilize and stabilize technological resources over time, while interaction models reveal nonlinear and diminishing returns consistent with institutional coordination limits. Trajectory analyses identify four distinct patterns of digital transformation, ranging from “institutionalized pioneers” to “persistent stagnation,” demonstrating that digital development unfolds through path-dependent and institutionally anchored trajectories rather than through simple convergence. The article contributes to public administration research in three ways: provides rare longitudinal evidence on local digital transformation over two decades; integrates institutional change theory into digital government research by conceptualizing governance as a mechanism of institutional conversion; and advances a trajectory-based explanation of digital transformation that shifts attention from episodic technological adoption to cumulative institutional processes shaping long-run administrative performance.
Governance 期刊封面

Governance

民粹主义执政下的监管机构变迁:来自意大利的洞见(1990-2025)

Fabrizio Di Mascio, Giulio Francisci, Martino Maggetti, Alessandro Natalini

英文原题

Regulatory Agencies Under Mutating Populism in Office: Insights From Italy (1990–2025)

我们的论文在民粹主义治理下的公共行政这一新兴研究领域与关于独立监管机构(IRAs)授权的既有文献之间架起了一座桥梁。我们聚焦于意大利,这是西欧的一个关键案例,在 2001 年至 2025 年间,该国经历了六届由不同意识形态取向的民粹主义政党主导或强烈影响的联合政府。研究结果表明,一旦制度化,向 IRAs 的授权即使在持续的政治争议下也表现出显著的韧性。尽管自…

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我们的论文在民粹主义治理下的公共行政这一新兴研究领域与关于独立监管机构(IRAs)授权的既有文献之间架起了一座桥梁。我们聚焦于意大利,这是西欧的一个关键案例,在 2001 年至 2025 年间,该国经历了六届由不同意识形态取向的民粹主义政党主导或强烈影响的联合政府。研究结果表明,一旦制度化,向 IRAs 的授权即使在持续的政治争议下也表现出显著的韧性。尽管自 21 世纪初以来民粹主义政党屡次参与执政,意大利的 IRAs 并未遭受系统性的去授权或法定缩减。然而,正式独立性的保留并不意味着缺乏政治控制的手段。我们的分析显示,民粹主义政府系统性地依赖政治任命。有趣的是,这些政治任命并非由党派忠诚或公开的政治化所驱动。相反,民粹主义政党的干预沿着授权理论中较少受到关注的政治控制维度运作:被任命者的专业化程度。民粹主义政府倾向于任命领域专业化水平较低的 IRAs 董事会成员,偏好通才型人物而非专家型人才。
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Our paper builds a bridge between the emerging strand of research on public administration under populist rule and the established literature on delegation to independent regulatory authorities (IRAs). We focus on Italy, a critical case in Western Europe, which between 2001 and 2025 experienced six coalition governments dominated or strongly influenced by populist parties of different ideological orientations. Findings highlight that delegation to IRAs is remarkably resilient once institutionalized, even under sustained political contestation. Despite repeated populist participation in government since the early 2000s, Italian IRAs have not been subject to systematic de‐delegation or statutory retrenchment. However, the preservation of formal independence has not implied the absence of means for political control. Our analysis shows that populist governments have systematically relied on political appointments. Interestingly, political appointments have not been driven by partisan loyalty or overt politicization. Instead, the intervention of populist parties has operated along a different dimension of political control that has received less attention in delegation theory: the specialization of appointees. Populist governments have displayed a preference for appointing IRAs' board members with lower levels of domain‐specific specialization, privileging generalist profiles over specialists.

中国实验治理中的死胡同与政策变迁

Vincent Brussee

英文原题

Dead Ends and Policy Change in Chinese Experimental Governance

并非所有政策变迁都是扩张性的,然而非扩张性轨迹仍未得到充分研究。本文引入了“死胡同”这一概念:即政策过程中,倡议在现有形式下停止发展或实施,从而构建后续政策变迁(如回退、转向或终止)的阶段。为考察此类轨迹,本文结合了对 2013 年至 2018 年间中华人民共和国宣布的 27,103 项政策实验的大规模分析与定性案例研究。研究发现,绝大多数实验——高达 90…

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并非所有政策变迁都是扩张性的,然而非扩张性轨迹仍未得到充分研究。本文引入了“死胡同”这一概念:即政策过程中,倡议在现有形式下停止发展或实施,从而构建后续政策变迁(如回退、转向或终止)的阶段。为考察此类轨迹,本文结合了对 2013 年至 2018 年间中华人民共和国宣布的 27,103 项政策实验的大规模分析与定性案例研究。研究发现,绝大多数实验——高达 90%——最终陷入死胡同。这些死胡同与领导层更迭、政策复杂性以及与官僚激励机制和社会经济条件的不匹配相关联。总体而言,本文为理解政策变迁的替代方向提供了新框架。同时,也对中国治理体系的适应能力与结构性约束提供了新的洞见。
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Not all policy change is expansive, yet non‐expansive trajectories remain underexamined. This article introduces the concept of dead ends: a stage of the policy process in which initiatives cease to develop or be implemented in their existing form, structuring subsequent policy change such as rollback, redirection, or termination. To examine such trajectories, the article combines large‐scale analysis of 27,103 policy experiments announced in the People's Republic of China between 2013 and 2018 with qualitative case studies. The findings suggest that a substantial majority—up to 90%—of experiments reach dead ends. These dead ends are associated with leadership turnover, policy complexity, and misalignment with bureaucratic incentives and socio‐economic conditions. Altogether, the article provides new frameworks for understanding alternative directions of policy change. In doing so, it also sheds new light on the adaptive capacity and structural constraints of China's governance system.

为何某些关键节点未产生实质影响:探究动态与静态政策路径

Katrine Skagen

英文原题

Why Some Critical Junctures Lead Nowhere: Exploring Dynamic and Static Policy Paths

一些关键节点未能引发实践中的重大变革。受历史制度主义启发,本文提出了动态与静态政策路径的概念,以解释为何某些关键节点未导致变革,而其他则促成了变革。结合政策过程文献与政策实施的研究视角,本文通过四个要素来概念化关键节点:框架、目标、工具及行动者/制度。基于两个案例研究,文章指出框架与目标的重要性被过度夸大,除非工具和行动者/制度也发生显著变化,否则动态路径不…

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一些关键节点未能引发实践中的重大变革。受历史制度主义启发,本文提出了动态与静态政策路径的概念,以解释为何某些关键节点未导致变革,而其他则促成了变革。结合政策过程文献与政策实施的研究视角,本文通过四个要素来概念化关键节点:框架、目标、工具及行动者/制度。基于两个案例研究,文章指出框架与目标的重要性被过度夸大,除非工具和行动者/制度也发生显著变化,否则动态路径不会出现。在丹麦,一项气候政策协议为农业开辟了新的政策方向,使气候政策成为其关键组成部分。而在挪威,气候政策协议未能改变部门政策的轨迹,气候政策发展仍停滞不前。因此,关键节点的差异导致了不同的政策路径。
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Some critical junctures fail to cause significant change in practice. Inspired by historical institutionalism, this article develops the concept of dynamic and static policy paths to explain why some critical junctures do not lead to change, while others do. Combining insights from policy process literature and policy implementation, it conceptualizes critical junctures through four elements: framing, targets, instruments, and actors/institutions. Based on two case studies, the article argues that the importance of framing and targets has been overexaggerated, and that a dynamic path will not occur unless there is also a significant change in instruments and actors/institutions. In Denmark, a climate policy agreement created a new policy direction for agriculture in which climate policy is a key component. In Norway, a climate policy agreement did not change the trajectory of sectoral policy and climate policy development has remained stagnant. Thus, differences in the critical junctures led to different policy paths.

反腐败宣传中的社会规范、国家惩罚与动机挤出效应:来自中国的实验证据

Feng Yang, Lin Zhu

英文原题

Social Norms, State Punishment, and Motivation Crowding in Anti‐Corruption Messaging: Experimental Evidence From China

越来越多的学术研究将腐败不仅视为监督与执法失效的结果,更将其视为一种由社会认知——乃至误解——所维系的具有韧性的非正式制度。当公民认为他人容忍或参与腐败时,抵制腐败便成为一个集体行动问题,从而使腐败得以自我延续。本研究利用中国一项大规模调查实验,检验纠正对腐败社会容忍度的夸大认知是否有助于打破这一循环。我们发现,提供关于实际(较低)容忍度的信息显著增强了反腐…

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越来越多的学术研究将腐败不仅视为监督与执法失效的结果,更将其视为一种由社会认知——乃至误解——所维系的具有韧性的非正式制度。当公民认为他人容忍或参与腐败时,抵制腐败便成为一个集体行动问题,从而使腐败得以自我延续。本研究利用中国一项大规模调查实验,检验纠正对腐败社会容忍度的夸大认知是否有助于打破这一循环。我们发现,提供关于实际(较低)容忍度的信息显著增强了反腐败态度与意向,尤其是在那些错误认为多数人容忍腐败的群体中。然而,当这一信息与惩罚线索相结合时,其效果被削弱,表明执法信息可能挤出基于规范信息的激励作用。我们的研究结果既展示了基于规范的信息干预的潜力,也揭示了其局限性,并为类似情境下的反腐败宣传提供了启示。
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A growing body of scholarship views corruption not merely as a failure of monitoring and enforcement but as a resilient informal institution sustained by social perceptions—and misperceptions. When citizens believe others tolerate or engage in corruption, resisting it becomes a collective action problem, allowing corruption to perpetuate itself. Using a large‐scale survey experiment in China, this study tests whether correcting exaggerated perceptions of social tolerance for corruption can help break this cycle. We find that providing information about the actual (low) level of tolerance significantly strengthens anti‐corruption attitudes and intentions, especially among those who mistakenly believed a majority tolerated corruption. However, this effect is weakened when paired with punishment cues, suggesting that enforcement information can crowd out the motivational force of norm‐based messages. Our findings demonstrate both the potential and the limits of norm‐based informational interventions and offer implications for anti‐corruption messaging in comparable contexts.

政府内部咨询的三种配置:公共价值目标与组织可行性

Sean Safford

英文原题

Three Configurations of In‐House Government Consulting: Public‐Value Purpose and Organizational Viability

各国政府设立内部咨询机构,以减少对外部公司的依赖,并保持公共能力与控制权。然而,在这一标签下归类的组织追求不同形式的公共价值,需要不同的设计。本文区分了设立专门机构的三个原因:控制具有重大影响的工作、捕捉政府各部门反复出现问题的回报,以及调动分散在公共及相邻机构中的专业知识。文章提出了三种相应的配置——战略转型、可扩展解决方案和专家平台——并展示了关于工作、…

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各国政府设立内部咨询机构,以减少对外部公司的依赖,并保持公共能力与控制权。然而,在这一标签下归类的组织追求不同形式的公共价值,需要不同的设计。本文区分了设立专门机构的三个原因:控制具有重大影响的工作、捕捉政府各部门反复出现问题的回报,以及调动分散在公共及相邻机构中的专业知识。文章提出了三种相应的配置——战略转型、可扩展解决方案和专家平台——并展示了关于工作、人员配置、知识、权威、客户关系、融资和评估的选择如何相互匹配。对五个国家八个单位的文献比较为分析提供了基础。案例表明,机构的存续取决于工作是否能更新后续工作所需的条件,而评估必须反映配置和阶段。因此,内部化是组织建设,而非采购决策的逆转:只有当工作再生产出公共价值所依赖的条件时,机构才能创造公共价值。
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Governments have created in‐house consulting organizations to reduce dependence on external firms and retain public capability and control. Yet organizations grouped under this label pursue different forms of public value that require different designs. This article distinguishes three reasons for a dedicated unit: retaining control over consequential work, capturing returns from problems that recur across government, and mobilizing expertise dispersed across public and adjacent institutions. It develops three corresponding configurations—Strategic Transformation, Scalable Solutions, and Expertise Platform—and shows how choices about work, staffing, knowledge, authority, client relationships, financing, and evaluation must fit together. Documentary comparison of eight units in five countries grounds the analysis. The cases show that viability depends on whether work renews the conditions needed for subsequent work and that evaluation must reflect configuration and stage. Internalization is therefore organization‐building, not the reversal of a procurement decision: a unit creates public value only when work reproduces the conditions on which that value depends.
Public Management Review 期刊封面

Public Management Review

目的与手段之间模糊的界限:一线工作者如何在绩效评估中将生产属性纳入结果考量

Paw Hansen

英文原题

The blurred line between ends and means: how frontline workers factor production attributes into results in performance evaluations

基于结果的绩效管理假设,组织绩效可以通过定义和衡量预期结果来评估。然而,将绩效目标转化为服务交付的一线工作者,可能会通过他们对服务如何生产的了解来解读结果。我们考察生产属性是否进入一线工作者对正式结果的评估中。借鉴意义建构和认知判断理论,我们认为任务难度和努力程度提供了显著线索,一线工作者通过这些线索将绩效信息情境化。我们使用一项包含 1,371 名丹麦高中…

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基于结果的绩效管理假设,组织绩效可以通过定义和衡量预期结果来评估。然而,将绩效目标转化为服务交付的一线工作者,可能会通过他们对服务如何生产的了解来解读结果。我们考察生产属性是否进入一线工作者对正式结果的评估中。借鉴意义建构和认知判断理论,我们认为任务难度和努力程度提供了显著线索,一线工作者通过这些线索将绩效信息情境化。我们使用一项包含 1,371 名丹麦高中教师的联合调查实验来检验这些预期,在正式结果之外随机变化生产属性。教师对服务更多弱势学生的学校给予更高评价,并在学校表现出更大努力时提高评分。这两种效应均呈现清晰的剂量-反应模式,其中努力效应与正式结果效应相当。研究结果表明,一线评估系统性地纳入生产信息,揭示了绩效管理如何可能产生对组织绩效的分歧性理解。
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Results-based performance management assumes that organizational performance can be evaluated by defining and measuring desired results. Yet frontline workers, who translate performance goals into service delivery, may interpret results through their knowledge of how services are produced. We examine whether production attributes enter frontline evaluations of formal results. Drawing on theories of sensemaking and cognitive judgment, we argue that task difficulty and effort provide salient cues through which frontline workers contextualize performance information. We test these expectations using a conjoint survey experiment with 1,371 Danish high school teachers, randomly varying production attributes alongside formal results. Teachers rate schools serving more disadvantaged students more favorably and increase ratings when schools demonstrate greater effort. Both effects exhibit clear dose-response patterns, with effort effects comparable to those of formal results. The findings show that frontline evaluations systematically incorporate production information, revealing how performance management can generate divergent understandings of organizational performance.
Policy Studies Journal 期刊封面

Policy Studies Journal

议程设置中的游说优先事项:经济团体与公民团体在议程广度、方向及回应性上的差异

Frederik Stevens, Darren Halpin

英文原题

Lobbying Priorities in Agenda‐Setting: Agenda Breadth, Direction, and Responsiveness Across Economic and Citizen Groups

利益集团是塑造政治议程的关键行动者。然而,我们对它们在政策过程的最初阶段如何确定游说优先事项知之甚少。本研究提出了一种新颖的概念框架,用于在议程设定阶段研究利益集团的问题优先排序,该框架涵盖三个互补维度:议程广度、议程方向和议程响应性。基于对 630 个欧盟层面利益集团的原始调查数据,我们的结果表明,问题优先排序主要由集团所代表的成员类型驱动。经济利益集团倾…

阅读完整摘要 ↗
利益集团是塑造政治议程的关键行动者。然而,我们对它们在政策过程的最初阶段如何确定游说优先事项知之甚少。本研究提出了一种新颖的概念框架,用于在议程设定阶段研究利益集团的问题优先排序,该框架涵盖三个互补维度:议程广度、议程方向和议程响应性。基于对 630 个欧盟层面利益集团的原始调查数据,我们的结果表明,问题优先排序主要由集团所代表的成员类型驱动。经济利益集团倾向于追求更广泛的游说议程,专注于维护政策现状,并在优先处理不受欢迎的问题时更响应内部成员压力。相比之下,公民团体通常采取更狭窄的议程,优先挑战现状,并在确定游说优先事项时更强烈地响应外部问题显著性。总体而言,本研究增进了我们对利益集团如何在政治注意力竞争中导航的理解,并为当代民主国家中关于议程设定的更广泛辩论做出了贡献。
查看原文摘要
Interest groups are key actors in shaping political agendas. Yet, we know surprisingly little about how they determine their lobbying priorities at the earliest stage of the policy process. This study advances a novel conceptual framework for studying interest groups' issue prioritization in the agenda setting stage along three complementary dimensions: agenda breadth, agenda direction, and agenda responsiveness. Drawing on original survey data from 630 EU level interest groups, our results show that issue prioritization is driven primarily by the type of constituents a group represents. Economic interest groups tend to pursue broader lobbying agendas, focus on defending the policy status quo, and are more responsive to internal member pressures when prioritizing undesired issues. Citizen groups, by contrast, typically adopt narrower agendas, prioritize challenging the status quo, and respond more strongly to external issue salience when determining their lobbying priorities. Overall, the study advances our understanding of how interest groups navigate competition for political attention and contributes to broader debates on agenda‐setting in contemporary democracies.

人口老龄化与公民对自动化和移民的偏好:对高度老龄化经济体的警示?

Sijeong Lim, Seiki Tanaka

英文原题

Population Aging and Citizen Preferences for Automation and Immigration: A Cautionary Tale for Advanced Aging Economies?

大量研究凸显了公众对移民和机器人的担忧,但很少有研究探讨人口结构挑战,特别是人口老龄化,如何影响这些看法。公众在评估移民或自动化政策时,可能不会自然而然地考虑到人口老龄化,因为这些议题往往被孤立讨论。因此,我们假设,若引导公众考虑人口老龄化,他们将更倾向于支持自动化和移民。通过在日本、韩国和法国三个国家进行的预注册调查实验,我们探究了提供关于人口老龄化的客观…

阅读完整摘要 ↗
大量研究凸显了公众对移民和机器人的担忧,但很少有研究探讨人口结构挑战,特别是人口老龄化,如何影响这些看法。公众在评估移民或自动化政策时,可能不会自然而然地考虑到人口老龄化,因为这些议题往往被孤立讨论。因此,我们假设,若引导公众考虑人口老龄化,他们将更倾向于支持自动化和移民。通过在日本、韩国和法国三个国家进行的预注册调查实验,我们探究了提供关于人口老龄化的客观信息是否会改变对移民和自动化的态度。研究发现,在日本——全球老龄化最严重的国家,此类信息促使人们对移民和自动化都产生更积极的态度。在韩国——老龄化速度最快的国家,此类信息仅改善了人们对移民的态度。而在法国,其老年人口比例处于欧盟平均水平,我们未发现显著影响。然而,我们发现,在日本和韩国,当受访者将自动化和移民政策与其他选项(如调整退休年龄)一并考虑时,这些积极效应并未持续。这些发现表明,公众对人口老龄化回应的政策偏好受制于国家特定情境,以及政策讨论中被激活的不同议题关联。
查看原文摘要
Extensive research highlights public apprehension toward immigrants and robots, but few studies examine how demographic challenges, particularly population aging, influence these perceptions. The public may not naturally consider population aging when evaluating immigration or automation policies, as these issues are often discussed in silos. We thus hypothesize that priming the public to consider population aging will lead them to view automation and immigration more favorably. Using pre‐registered survey experiments in three countries—Japan, South Korea, and France—we investigate whether providing factual information about population aging alters attitudes toward immigration and automation. We find that in Japan, the world's most aged country, such information generates more favorable attitudes toward both immigration and automation. In Korea, the fastest‐aging country, it improves only immigration attitudes. In France, where the elderly population is average for the EU, we find no significant effect. We find, however, that these positive effects in Japan and Korea do not persist when respondents consider automation and immigration policies alongside other options like adjusting the retirement age. These findings suggest that the public's policy preferences in response to population aging are subject to country‐specific contexts, as well as to different issue linkages activated in policy discussions.

联盟协议中的政策议程:政策继承的持久影响

Gerard Breeman, Amnon Cavari, Jens Jungblut, Ilana Shpaizman, Arco Timmermans et al.

英文原题

Policy Agendas in Coalition Agreements: The Enduring Influence of Policy Inheritance

新政府常常从前任那里继承问题,因此,各种政策问题往往会在议程上保留多年。以往研究政策继承作用时,主要聚焦于政府任期内的议程。这些研究发现,由于政府必须首先应对继承下来的问题,新议题在议程上出现的空间大大减少。本研究旨在通过联合协议的视角来探讨政策继承的概念。联合协议是多党政府的一个特征,在选举后不久起草,反映了政治斗争的结果。因此,可以预期联合协议主要包含各…

阅读完整摘要 ↗
新政府常常从前任那里继承问题,因此,各种政策问题往往会在议程上保留多年。以往研究政策继承作用时,主要聚焦于政府任期内的议程。这些研究发现,由于政府必须首先应对继承下来的问题,新议题在议程上出现的空间大大减少。本研究旨在通过联合协议的视角来探讨政策继承的概念。联合协议是多党政府的一个特征,在选举后不久起草,反映了政治斗争的结果。因此,可以预期联合协议主要包含各党认为重要的议题。这意味着,联合协议议题议程的变化应是选举周期产生的政治变化的函数,而非继承的结果。通过分析以色列、荷兰和挪威三个国家 42 次选举中的联合协议,我们未发现支持这一假设的证据。联合协议中的议程并不随联盟政党构成的变化、政党间意识形态距离的变化或首相职位所属政党的变化而变动。这表明,即使在新联合政府准备就职之际,继承仍是议程设置的主要驱动力。
查看原文摘要
New governments frequently inherit issues from their predecessors, and as a result, various policy problems tend to remain on the agenda for many years. Previous research examining the role of policy inheritance has focused mainly on the agenda during a government's term in office. These studies find that because governments must first contend with the problems they inherit, there is considerably less room for new issues to emerge on the agenda. This study seeks to examine the idea of policy inheritance through the lens of coalition agreements. Coalition agreements, a feature of multiparty governments, are drafted shortly after elections and reflect the outcome of the political struggle. For this reason, one can expect that coalition agreements contain mostly issues that parties regard as important. By implication, changes in the coalition agreements' issue agenda would be a function of the political change produced by the electoral cycle, rather than of inheritance. Analyzing coalition agreements in three countries—Israel, the Netherlands, and Norway—across 42 elections, we find no evidence for this assumption. Agendas in coalition agreements do not vary with changes in the party composition of the coalition, changes in the ideological distance between parties, or changes in the party holding the office of Prime Minister. This indicates that even when new coalition governments are preparing for their term in office, inheritance remains the primary driver of agenda‐setting.

使政策证据可追溯:政策评估的模块化预注册框架

Yiyun Xia, Tianhao Zhao, Yuhao Ba

英文原题

Making Policy Evidence Traceable: A Modular Preregistration Framework for Policy Evaluation

预注册在政策研究中日益普及,但其价值取决于预注册承诺能否与所报告的分析清晰对应。政策研究往往涉及多重结果、不断演变的行政数据、关键的设计与分析选择以及适应性实施,这使得区分预先指定的检验与后续调整变得困难。本研究笔记提出一个模块化、面向政策的配套框架,用于利用现有预注册基础设施。该框架结合了一个定义估计目标、结果和识别策略的共享核心,以及针对实地实验、行政数…

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预注册在政策研究中日益普及,但其价值取决于预注册承诺能否与所报告的分析清晰对应。政策研究往往涉及多重结果、不断演变的行政数据、关键的设计与分析选择以及适应性实施,这使得区分预先指定的检验与后续调整变得困难。本研究笔记提出一个模块化、面向政策的配套框架,用于利用现有预注册基础设施。该框架结合了一个定义估计目标、结果和识别策略的共享核心,以及针对实地实验、行政数据准实验和行为政策试验的设计特定模块。各组成部分共同服务于两个目的:主张可追溯性,即将报告结果与原始计划相连接;以及受控适应性,即提供研究过程中变更的透明记录。其目标并非阻止调整,而是明确哪些分析是预先指定的,哪些通过记录在案的修正进行了修订,哪些是后来开发的。该方法旨在提升政策研究的可解释性和透明度,同时在应用政策环境中保持可行性。
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Preregistration is increasingly used in policy research, but its value depends on whether preregistered commitments can be clearly linked to reported analyses. Policy studies often involve multiple outcomes, evolving administrative data, consequential design and analytic choices, and adaptive implementation, making it difficult to distinguish prespecified tests from subsequent adjustments. This research note proposes a modular, policy‐oriented companion framework for using existing preregistration infrastructure. The framework combines a shared core that defines the estimand, outcomes, and identification strategy with design‐specific modules for field experiments, administrative‐data quasi‐experiments, and behavioral policy trials. Together, the components serve two purposes: claim traceability, by linking reported results to the original plan, and governed adaptation, by providing a transparent record of changes made during the study. The aim is not to prevent adaptation, but to show which analyses were prespecified, which were revised through documented amendments, and which were developed later. This approach aims to improve the interpretability and transparency of policy research while remaining feasible in applied policy settings.

超越证据:危机期间框架如何塑造公共卫生政策

Antoine Claude Lemor, Eric Montpetit

英文原题

Beyond Evidence: How Framing Shapes Public Health Policies During Health Crises

政策行动所伴随的证据水平,是否取决于问题如何被框定,以及由谁来框定?本文在健康危机的背景下探讨了这些问题。通过融合社会学与等价框架理论,本文将框架视为行动者社群内共享的既有解释图式,其下游影响取决于可得信息。研究利用魁北克省(政治决策者拥有更大权威)和瑞典(科学家享有更多自主权)两地 COVID-19 新闻发布会的全面文本数据库,结合自然语言处理、普通最小二…

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政策行动所伴随的证据水平,是否取决于问题如何被框定,以及由谁来框定?本文在健康危机的背景下探讨了这些问题。通过融合社会学与等价框架理论,本文将框架视为行动者社群内共享的既有解释图式,其下游影响取决于可得信息。研究利用魁北克省(政治决策者拥有更大权威)和瑞典(科学家享有更多自主权)两地 COVID-19 新闻发布会的全面文本数据库,结合自然语言处理、普通最小二乘回归和格兰杰因果检验,分析框架与披露证据如何与抑制和缓解政策相衔接。研究发现,在魁北克,将疫情框定为迫在眉睫的危险,即使在披露证据水平较低时也与广泛的抑制措施相关联,而温和框架与缓解政策的关联则随证据增加而增强。在瑞典,公开沟通中未出现框架与抑制政策之间的关系;框架反而与证据共同作用,危险框架主要在高披露证据水平下与较少的缓解提及相关联。这些结果表明,关键问题并非政策行动需要多少证据,而是证据由谁要求,以及在何种条件下要求。框架所附带的证据门槛似乎是承载该框架的社群的一种属性,这对民主制度如何在问责与专业知识之间分配影响力具有直接启示。
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Does the level of evidence that accompanies policy action depend on how a problem is framed, and on who frames it? This article examines these questions in the context of health crises. Bridging sociological and equivalence framing theories, it treats frames as preexisting interpretive schemes shared within communities of actors, whose downstream influence depends on the information available. Using a comprehensive textual database of COVID‐19 press conferences held in Quebec, where political decision‐makers held greater authority, and in Sweden, where scientists enjoyed more autonomy, the study combines natural language processing, OLS regressions, and Granger causality tests to analyze how frames and disclosed evidence were articulated with suppression and mitigation policies. Findings show that in Quebec, framing the pandemic as an imminent danger was associated with far‐reaching suppression measures even at low levels of disclosed evidence, while the moderate frame's association with mitigation strengthened as evidence increased. In Sweden, no relationship between framing and suppression policies appeared in public communications; framing instead operated jointly with evidence, the dangerous frame being associated with fewer mitigation references mainly at high levels of disclosed evidence. These results suggest that the relevant question is not how much evidence policy action requires, but by whom that evidence is required, and under what conditions. The evidentiary threshold attached to a frame appears to be a property of the community that carries it, with direct implications for how democratic institutions allocate influence between accountability and expertise.
Am. Review of Public Admin 期刊封面

Am. Review of Public Admin

“我们不再被允许做人”:美国警察在 COVID-19 疫情与国内动荡叠加危机中的执法经历

Jess Bonnan-White, Michael Landon-Murray, Anna E. Kosloski, Matthew M. Lunn

英文原题

'We are no longer Allowed to be Human': Officers’ Experiences Policing the Compounding Crises of the COVID-19 Pandemic and Civil Unrest in the United States

地方警察是最为突出的前线公务人员之一,每日与民众、社区及其他机构和利益相关方互动。从最字面的意义上讲,他们是街头层面的官僚。这些互动在 2020 年夏天受到了巨大考验。警察管理——或在某些情况下拒绝管理——全球大流行的执法命令,同时还要在乔治·弗洛伊德谋杀案发生后维持治安。本文探讨了三个地方辖区的警官如何应对这双重且叠加的危机——我们完全可以预期未来还会有更…

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地方警察是最为突出的前线公务人员之一,每日与民众、社区及其他机构和利益相关方互动。从最字面的意义上讲,他们是街头层面的官僚。这些互动在 2020 年夏天受到了巨大考验。警察管理——或在某些情况下拒绝管理——全球大流行的执法命令,同时还要在乔治·弗洛伊德谋杀案发生后维持治安。本文探讨了三个地方辖区的警官如何应对这双重且叠加的危机——我们完全可以预期未来还会有更多此类危机——以及这对警察互动、自由裁量权(包括消极执法)和工作满意度的影响。文章最后讨论了警察领导、地方官员和社区倡导者如何在危机时期更好地支持执法专业人员。
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Local police officers are among the most prominent frontline public servants, interacting daily with people, communities, and other agencies and stakeholders. They are, in the most literal sense, street-level bureaucrats. These interactions were greatly tested in the summer of 2020. Police managed – or in some cases refused to manage – enforcement orders for a global pandemic while at the same time policing in the aftermath of the murder of George Floyd. This article explores how officers in three local jurisdictions navigated these dual, compounding crises – which we can certainly expect many more of in the future – and the implications for police interactions, discretion (including de-policing) and job satisfaction. The article concludes with a discussion of how police leaders, local officials and community advocates can better support law enforcement professionals during times of crises.

公民政治意识形态是否影响官僚回应性?来自审计实验的证据

Jared Olsen, Mary Feeney

英文原题

Does Citizen Political Ideology Shape Bureaucratic Responsiveness? Evidence From an Audit Experiment

政府工作人员在提供公共服务决策时常常采取捷径。当这些捷径受到刻板印象或偏见的影响时,公民可能会受到不平等的对待。本研究探讨美国住房管理局和公园部门的官僚是否基于公民的政治意识形态进行歧视。通过一项预注册的 2×3 电子邮件审计实验(n=974),我们测试了当公民表达保守观点、自由观点或无政治观点时,回应性是否有所不同。结果显示,街头官僚更倾向于回应表达保守观…

阅读完整摘要 ↗
政府工作人员在提供公共服务决策时常常采取捷径。当这些捷径受到刻板印象或偏见的影响时,公民可能会受到不平等的对待。本研究探讨美国住房管理局和公园部门的官僚是否基于公民的政治意识形态进行歧视。通过一项预注册的 2×3 电子邮件审计实验(n=974),我们测试了当公民表达保守观点、自由观点或无政治观点时,回应性是否有所不同。结果显示,街头官僚更倾向于回应表达保守观点的公民,而非未表明政治观点的公民。对于表达自由观点的公民与未表明政治观点的公民,回应性没有差异。然而,在提供回复的情况下,表达自由观点的公民会收到更有帮助的回复。交互模型表明,对表达自由观点的公民的回应性在公共住房管理局和公园部门之间存在差异。这些发现表明,政治意识形态可能以影响公共服务公平性的方式塑造官僚回应性。
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Government workers often take shortcuts when making decisions about delivering public services. When these shortcuts are influenced by stereotypes or bias, citizens may receive unequal treatment. This research examines whether bureaucrats in U.S. housing authorities and parks departments discriminate based on citizen political ideology. Using a pre-registered 2 × 3 email audit experiment ( n = 974), we test whether responsiveness varies when citizens signal conservative views, liberal views, or no political views. The results show that street-level bureaucrats are more likely to respond to citizens signaling conservative views than to citizens with no stated political views. Responsiveness does not differ between citizens signaling liberal views and citizens with no stated political views. However, when a reply is provided, citizens signaling liberal views receive more helpful responses. Interaction models suggest that responsiveness to citizens signaling liberal views differs across public housing authorities and parks departments. These findings suggest that political ideology may shape bureaucratic responsiveness in ways that have implications for fairness in public service delivery.

作为行政实践的公众参与:来自联邦权利社区的实证证据

Anne R. Williamson

英文原题

Public Participation as Administrative Practice: Evidence from Federal Entitlement Communities

公众参与被广泛认为是民主治理的重要组成部分,然而实证研究往往通过所采用的方法而非参与在行政过程中组织的制度结构来评估参与。基于对 289 个接受联邦整笔拨款的地方司法辖区的分析,本研究将参与视为结构化的行政实践,而非仅仅是参与方法的集合。通过对综合计划的归纳分析,研究构建了四种参与结构的类型学:最低限度合规、结构化咨询、制度化咨询和嵌入式参与。

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公众参与被广泛认为是民主治理的重要组成部分,然而实证研究往往通过所采用的方法而非参与在行政过程中组织的制度结构来评估参与。基于对 289 个接受联邦整笔拨款的地方司法辖区的分析,本研究将参与视为结构化的行政实践,而非仅仅是参与方法的集合。通过对综合计划的归纳分析,研究构建了四种参与结构的类型学:最低限度合规、结构化咨询、制度化咨询和嵌入式参与。
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Public participation is widely recognized as an important component of democratic governance, yet empirical studies often evaluate participation by the methods employed rather than the institutional structures through which participation is organized within administrative processes. Drawing on an analysis of 289 local jurisdictions receiving federal block grants, this study examines participation as structured administrative practice rather than simply a collection of engagement methods. Using inductive analysis of Consolidated Plans, the study develops a typology of four participation structures: Minimal Compliance, Structured Consultation, Institutionalized Consultation, and Embedded Participation.

私人慈善中的代表性官僚制:检验社区基金会资助中的自由裁量权与种族代表性

Yue Ming

英文原题

Representative Bureaucracy in Private Philanthropy: Testing Discretion and Racial Representation in Community Foundation Grantmaking

随着公共服务供给日益涉及非政府行为体,公共管理理论需要审视其核心框架如何在传统官僚体系之外运作。本研究将代表性官僚理论拓展至私人慈善领域——这一在地方公共服务供给中日益关键的行为体,通过检验领导层中的种族代表性是否与公平的拨款结果相对应。基于 2012 年至 2016 年间美国 912 家社区基金会的纵向数据分析,本研究发现,当基金会领导层保有充分裁量权时,…

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随着公共服务供给日益涉及非政府行为体,公共管理理论需要审视其核心框架如何在传统官僚体系之外运作。本研究将代表性官僚理论拓展至私人慈善领域——这一在地方公共服务供给中日益关键的行为体,通过检验领导层中的种族代表性是否与公平的拨款结果相对应。基于 2012 年至 2016 年间美国 912 家社区基金会的纵向数据分析,本研究发现,当基金会领导层保有充分裁量权时,领导层中的种族代表性与向服务有色人种社区的组织增加拨款相关;然而,随着捐赠者控制力增强,尤其是通过捐赠者建议基金,这种关系会减弱。这些模式与代表性官僚理论强调裁量权作为连接被动代表与主动代表的关键机制相一致。这些发现通过阐明私人慈善领域中代表性与裁量权之间的相互作用,推进了理论理解,同时随着公共服务日益涉及非政府行为体,对资源公平分配具有启示意义。
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As public service delivery increasingly involves non-governmental actors, public administration theory needs to examine how its core frameworks operate beyond traditional bureaucracies. This study extends representative bureaucracy theory to private philanthropy, an increasingly crucial actor in local public service delivery, by testing whether racial representation in leadership corresponds with equitable grantmaking outcomes. Analyzing longitudinal data from 912 U.S. community foundations between 2012 and 2016, this study finds that racial representation in foundation leadership corresponds with increased grantmaking to organizations serving communities of color when leadership retains sufficient discretion, but that this relationship weakens as donor control rises, particularly through donor advised funds. These patterns are consistent with representative bureaucracy theory's emphasis on discretion as a key mechanism linking passive and active representation. These findings advance theoretical understanding by illuminating the interplay between representation and discretion within private philanthropy, while carrying implications for equitable resource distribution as public services increasingly involve non-governmental actors.

当地理稀释问责制:地方政府的自由裁量权与财政扩张

Edmund Poku Adu, Robert L. Bland

英文原题

When Geography Dilutes Accountability: Managerial Discretion and Fiscal Expansion in Local Government

民主问责制假定,承担政府决策成本的公民能够制裁作出这些决策的官员。我们识别出这一假定中的一个结构性断裂。当城市通过部分由非居民(无法在地方选举中投票的高速公路旅行者、通勤者及区域购物者)承担的税收来为其自身提供资金时,承担成本与施加制裁之间的选举联系便会削弱。通过分析得克萨斯州二十年的市政数据(2000-2019 年),并采用双向固定效应和广义合成控制方法,…

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民主问责制假定,承担政府决策成本的公民能够制裁作出这些决策的官员。我们识别出这一假定中的一个结构性断裂。当城市通过部分由非居民(无法在地方选举中投票的高速公路旅行者、通勤者及区域购物者)承担的税收来为其自身提供资金时,承担成本与施加制裁之间的选举联系便会削弱。通过分析得克萨斯州二十年的市政数据(2000-2019 年),并采用双向固定效应和广义合成控制方法,我们发现,在采用专项地方销售税后,那些更有能力将成本转嫁给非选民的城市,其居民财政负担增加更多。这一模式在位于或靠近大都市区和高速公路的城市中最为显著,而地理位置孤立、居民几乎承担所有成本的城市则变化甚微。这逆转了经典税收输出理论所预测的缓解效应,并揭示了一个为自由裁量性财政扩张提供资金的问责缺口。该缺口被证明是暂时的:不同情境下的财政结果在六至十三年内趋于收敛。我们得出结论,地理对民主问责制的影响与选举规则同样强大。
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Democratic accountability assumes that the citizens who bear the costs of government decisions can sanction the officials who make them. We identify a structural break in this assumption. When a city funds itself through taxes that fall partly on nonresidents (highway travelers, commuters, and regional shoppers who cannot vote in local elections) the electoral link between bearing costs and imposing sanctions weakens. Analyzing two decades of Texas municipal data (2000–2019) with two-way fixed effects and generalized synthetic control methods, we find that cities better positioned to shift costs onto nonvoters raise resident fiscal exposure more, after they adopt dedicated local sales taxes. This pattern is strongest for cities on or near major metropolitan areas and highways, whereas geographically isolated cities, where residents bear nearly all costs, show little change. It reverses the relief that classical tax-exportation theory predicts and reveals an accountability gap that funds discretionary fiscal expansion. The gap proves temporary: fiscal outcomes across contexts converge within six to thirteen years. Geography, we conclude, shapes democratic accountability as powerfully as electoral rules.
J. of European Public Policy 期刊封面

J. of European Public Policy

不仅仅是镜像:政治信任与不信任如何与公共服务体验相关联

Matthijs Gillissen, Silke Goubin, Lisanne de Blok

英文原题

Not just mirror images: how political trust and distrust relate to public service experiences

政治信任与政治不信任日益被视为对政治机构的两种不同评判,而非单一连续谱的两端。尽管公共服务绩效不佳及程序不公被认为会助长不信任,但多数研究仅从低信任度中推断不信任的存在。为弥补这一不足,我们采用专门设计的测量工具,同时捕捉政治信任与政治不信任。具体而言,我们考察结果不满与程序不满是否以与影响信任相同的方式关联于政治不信任。通过两阶段设计,我们分析了覆盖八个欧…

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政治信任与政治不信任日益被视为对政治机构的两种不同评判,而非单一连续谱的两端。尽管公共服务绩效不佳及程序不公被认为会助长不信任,但多数研究仅从低信任度中推断不信任的存在。为弥补这一不足,我们采用专门设计的测量工具,同时捕捉政治信任与政治不信任。具体而言,我们考察结果不满与程序不满是否以与影响信任相同的方式关联于政治不信任。通过两阶段设计,我们分析了覆盖八个欧洲国家服务用户的横截面调查数据,以及一项预先注册的、操纵公共服务经历信息的 vignette 实验。横截面证据表明,积极的结果与程序经历与更高的政治信任相关,而两者同时缺失则对应最低的信任水平。相比之下,仅程序经历与政治不信任相关。实验证据主要显示,同时接触负面结果与负面程序经历信息会降低信任并增加不信任,尽管不信任在程序操纵上的差异大于结果操纵。总体而言,我们得出结论:满意的服务结果主要与政治信任相关,而公平且尊重的程序则更紧密地联系于政治不信任,尽管实验证据更为复杂。
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Political trust and distrust are increasingly recognized as distinct judgements of political institutions, rather than opposite ends of a single continuum. While poor performance of and unfair processes in public services are assumed to fuel distrust, most research infers distrust from low trust. We address this gap by using measures designed to capture both political trust and distrust. Specifically, we examine whether outcome and procedural dissatisfaction relate to political distrust in the same way they relate to trust. Using a two-stage design, we analyze a cross-sectional survey of service users across eight European countries and a pre-registered vignette experiment that manipulates information about public service experiences. Cross-sectional evidence shows that positive outcome and process experiences are linked to higher political trust, and that their combined absence marks the lowest trust. In contrast, only process experiences are associated with political distrust. Experimentally, evidence indicates primarily that exposure to both negative outcome and process experience information decreases trust and increases distrust, though distrust does differ more across process than outcome manipulations. Overall, we conclude that satisfactory service outcomes primarily align with political trust, while fair and respectful processes are more tied to political distrust, though experimental evidence is more mixed.

公民会奖励民主规范的执行吗?关于欧盟民主倒退争议的实验证据

Kata Moravecz

英文原题

Do citizens reward democratic norm enforcement? Experimental evidence on EU backsliding disputes

致力于民主规范的国际组织与经历民主倒退的成员国之间的冲突,在当代政治中日益凸显。然而,关于公民如何评价这些争端,以及民主规范执行是获得奖励还是惩罚,我们知之甚少。聚焦于欧盟(EU),我们在德国(n=2700)和匈牙利(n=1600)进行了两项调查实验,模拟了欧盟与倒退政府之间冲突的现实序列。在这两种情境下,我们几乎没有发现公民因欧盟实施或维持制裁而给予其奖励…

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致力于民主规范的国际组织与经历民主倒退的成员国之间的冲突,在当代政治中日益凸显。然而,关于公民如何评价这些争端,以及民主规范执行是获得奖励还是惩罚,我们知之甚少。聚焦于欧盟(EU),我们在德国(n=2700)和匈牙利(n=1600)进行了两项调查实验,模拟了欧盟与倒退政府之间冲突的现实序列。在这两种情境下,我们几乎没有发现公民因欧盟实施或维持制裁而给予其奖励的证据。相反,当欧盟在政治压力下从先前宣布的执行措施中退缩时,其声誉成本明显增加。这些发现表明,公众舆论对机构的压力,更多源于对民主规范争端中明显不一致行为的惩罚,而非对民主执行的需求。
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Conflicts between international organisations committed to democratic norms and member states experiencing democratic backsliding have become increasingly prominent in contemporary politics. Yet little is known about how citizens evaluate these disputes, and whether democratic norm enforcement is rewarded or penalised. Focussing on the European Union (EU), we field two survey experiments in Germany (n = 2700) and Hungary (n = 1600) that simulate realistic sequences of conflict between the EU and a backsliding government. Across both contexts, we find little evidence that citizens reward the EU for imposing or maintaining sanctions. By contrast, the EU incurs clear reputational costs when it retreats from previously announced enforcement under political pressure. These findings suggest that public opinion creates pressure towards institutions less through demand for democratic enforcement than through punishment of visible inconsistency in disputes over democratic norms.

国家、党派或意识形态偏见?欧盟官员特征如何影响侵权诉讼结果

Jan Menzner, Johannes Lattmann

英文原题

National, partisan or ideological biases? How EU officials' characteristics can influence infringement proceeding outcomes

侵权诉讼是欧盟(EU)在其成员国中执行共同法律合规性的关键法律机制。本文首次探讨了欧盟官员的国籍和党派归属如何影响这些诉讼的结果。我们认为,欧盟委员会委员和总司局长面临委托-代理困境,因为他们同时扮演着欧盟官员和本国国民的双重角色。我们预期,当负责监督侵权诉讼的欧盟官员与受调查成员国拥有相同国籍时,诉讼升级的可能性较低。我们进一步假设,官员的党派归属和意识形…

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侵权诉讼是欧盟(EU)在其成员国中执行共同法律合规性的关键法律机制。本文首次探讨了欧盟官员的国籍和党派归属如何影响这些诉讼的结果。我们认为,欧盟委员会委员和总司局长面临委托-代理困境,因为他们同时扮演着欧盟官员和本国国民的双重角色。我们预期,当负责监督侵权诉讼的欧盟官员与受调查成员国拥有相同国籍时,诉讼升级的可能性较低。我们进一步假设,官员的党派归属和意识形态倾向可能影响此类案件的结果。利用一个结合了 2002 年至 2020 年间约 19,000 起侵权诉讼及负责官员信息的新数据集,我们发现了国籍偏见的证据,但仅限于欧盟委员会委员层面。相比之下,我们没有发现与意识形态或党派归属相关的偏见迹象。
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Infringement proceedings serve as a key legal mechanism through which the European Union (EU) enforces compliance with common laws among its member states. This article, for the first time, examines how the nationality and partisanship of EU officials influence outcomes of these proceedings. We argue that Commissioners and Directors-General face a principal–agent dilemma, as they simultaneously act as EU officials and as nationals of their home countries. We expect that infringement proceedings are less likely to escalate when they are overseen by EU officials who share the nationality of the member state under investigation. We further posit that officials' partisan affiliations and ideological leaning may shape the outcomes of such cases. Using a novel dataset combining roughly 19.000 infringement proceedings between 2002 and 2020 with information about the responsible officials, we find evidence of a nationality bias, however, only among Commissioners. By contrast, we find no indication of bias linked to ideology or partisanship.
Public Administration 期刊封面

Public Administration

150 年历史的混合组织:瑞典市属公司的历史视角

Anna Thomasson, Olof Hallonsten

英文原题

The 150‐Year‐Old Hybrid Organization: A Historical View on Municipally Owned Corporations ( MOC ) in Sweden

本文对瑞典市属企业(MOCs)150 年的发展进行了纵向分析,追溯了其 19 世纪中叶的兴起、福利国家扩张时期的扩展,以及市场化公共部门改革时代的转型。尽管市属企业通常与新公共管理(NPM)及当代混合治理形式相关联,但这一视角忽视了其更为悠久的历史轨迹。基于瑞典三次重大政府调查(1924 年、1965 年和 1982 年),并辅以二手历史资料,我们考察了市属…

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本文对瑞典市属企业(MOCs)150 年的发展进行了纵向分析,追溯了其 19 世纪中叶的兴起、福利国家扩张时期的扩展,以及市场化公共部门改革时代的转型。尽管市属企业通常与新公共管理(NPM)及当代混合治理形式相关联,但这一视角忽视了其更为悠久的历史轨迹。基于瑞典三次重大政府调查(1924 年、1965 年和 1982 年),并辅以二手历史资料,我们考察了市属企业在政治、经济和行政环境变迁中的演变过程。本文将市属企业概念化为宪法性混合体,即通过设计将公共权力与企业治理要素相结合的组织,并运用制度理论与历史制度主义的洞见分析其长期发展。研究发现揭示了三个历史阶段,其特征表现为功能、治理逻辑和制度期望的变化。在这些时期,市属企业不断被重新诠释并适应新环境,同时保持了其基本的组织形式。本研究通过证明混合性不应仅被理解为公共部门改革的当代结果,而应被视为一种历史演进的制度条件,为混合性文献做出了贡献。我们认为,市属企业的持续存在反映了混合组织形式的适应能力,其灵活性使其能够满足对效率、合法性、问责制和公共价值不断变化的需求。通过将混合性历史化,本文为制度韧性及公共治理的长期演变提供了新的视角。
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This article presents a 150‐year longitudinal analysis of the development of municipally owned corporations (MOCs) in Sweden, tracing their emergence in the mid‐nineteenth century, their expansion during the growth of the welfare state, and their transformation in the era of market‐oriented public sector reform. While MOCs are commonly discussed in relation to New Public Management (NPM) and contemporary forms of hybrid governance, this perspective overlooks their much longer historical trajectory. Drawing on three major Swedish government inquiries (1924, 1965, and 1982), complemented by secondary historical sources, we examine how MOCs have evolved across changing political, economic, and administrative contexts. The article conceptualizes MOCs as constitutional hybrids, organizations that combine elements of public authority and corporate governance by design, and employs insights from institutional theory and historical institutionalism to analyze their long‐term development. The findings identify three historical phases characterized by changing functions, governance rationales, and institutional expectations. Across these periods, MOCs were repeatedly reinterpreted and adapted to new circumstances while maintaining their basic organizational form. The study contributes to the literature on hybridity by demonstrating that hybridity should be understood not merely as a contemporary consequence of public sector reform, but as a historically evolving institutional condition. We argue that the enduring presence of MOCs reflects the adaptive capacity of hybrid organizational forms, whose flexibility allows them to accommodate shifting demands for efficiency, legitimacy, accountability, and public value. By historicizing hybridity, the article offers a new perspective on institutional resilience, and the long‐term evolution of public governance.

《“你的金钱、你的生命,还是你的自由?公共卫生危机期间权衡取舍的离散选择实验”的重复研究》

Binzizi Dong, Chung‐An Chen, Soojin Kim, Chih‐Wei Hsieh

英文原题

A Replication of “Your Money, Your Life, or Your Freedom? A Discrete Choice Experiment on Trade‐Offs During a Public Health Crisis”

一项先前在意大利进行的实验考察了在政府强制封锁期间,个体如何在金钱、生命与自由之间进行权衡取舍。本研究在三个儒家社会——上海(中国)、新加坡和台北(台湾)——复制了该实验。研究结果显示,在总体样本中,“金钱 > 生命 > 自由”的偏好模式与原始研究报告的结果一致。然而,当分别分析时,台北居民对收入和自由的偏好强于新加坡和上海居民。相反,新加坡人对生命损失表现…

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一项先前在意大利进行的实验考察了在政府强制封锁期间,个体如何在金钱、生命与自由之间进行权衡取舍。本研究在三个儒家社会——上海(中国)、新加坡和台北(台湾)——复制了该实验。研究结果显示,在总体样本中,“金钱 > 生命 > 自由”的偏好模式与原始研究报告的结果一致。然而,当分别分析时,台北居民对收入和自由的偏好强于新加坡和上海居民。相反,新加坡人对生命损失表现出更高的关注。除了复制先前的研究发现外,本研究还通过强调公共管理者在制定危机管理实践时考虑情境细微差别的重要性,为比较公共行政领域做出了贡献。
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A prior experiment conducted in Italy examined how individuals navigate trade‐offs among money, life, and freedom during government‐mandated lockdowns. This study replicates that experiment across three Confucian societies: Shanghai (China), Singapore, and Taipei (Taiwan). The findings indicate that, in the aggregate sample, the preference pattern of “money > life > freedom” mirrors that reported in the original study. However, when analyzed separately, residents of Taipei show stronger preferences for income and freedom than their counterparts in Singapore and Shanghai. Conversely, Singaporeans demonstrate heightened concern regarding the loss of life. In addition to replicating previous findings, this study contributes to the field of comparative public administration by highlighting the importance of considering contextual nuances in the formulation of crisis‐management practices by public managers.

《复制研究:“内容并非唯一关键——规则传达方式对行政负担的影响”》

Qi Bian, Luning Xin, Ben Ma

英文原题

A Replication of “It is Not Merely About the Content: How Rules Are Communicated Matters to Administrative Burden”

本研究在复制先前研究以考察规则沟通形式如何塑造行政负担的基础上,进一步拓展了研究范围,探讨人工智能(AI)服务如何调节这一关系。AI 服务被理解为执行两种不同功能:标签功能,即聊天机器人直接根据用户查询从数据库中输出政策规则,无需进一步处理;以及优化功能,即聊天机器人收集、分析并提炼规则信息,向用户呈现简化、优先排序的关键要点。在研究 1 中,原始研究在中国…

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本研究在复制先前研究以考察规则沟通形式如何塑造行政负担的基础上,进一步拓展了研究范围,探讨人工智能(AI)服务如何调节这一关系。AI 服务被理解为执行两种不同功能:标签功能,即聊天机器人直接根据用户查询从数据库中输出政策规则,无需进一步处理;以及优化功能,即聊天机器人收集、分析并提炼规则信息,向用户呈现简化、优先排序的关键要点。在研究 1 中,原始研究在中国自然灾害救助申请情境下进行了复制。研究结果表明,官僚式语言提高了学习成本和合规成本,并增加了压力和自主权丧失感,而复杂的信息结构也增加了学习成本、合规成本和自主权丧失感。这些结果证实,规则沟通在政策、国家和语言层面均塑造了行政负担。然而,与原始研究相比,出现了差异,原始研究中官僚式语言引发了污名化,而信息复杂性对合规成本或自主权丧失无影响,这可能归因于情境因素,如中文表意文字的复杂性。在此基础上,研究 2 的扩展实验表明,AI 服务降低了行政负担。值得注意的是,与预期相反,标签功能减少了学习成本、合规成本和心理成本,而优化功能在所有维度上实现了更大的降低。总体而言,这些发现为利用 AI 改善规则沟通并减轻行政负担提供了实证支持。
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This study replicates prior research to examine how rule communication forms shape administrative burden, while also extending their research by investigating how artificial intelligence (AI) services moderate this relationship. AI services are understood to perform two distinct functions: the labeling function, where chatbots output policy rules directly from databases in response to user queries without further processing, and the optimization function, where chatbots collect, analyze, and distill rule information to present users with simplified, prioritized key points. In Study 1, the original research is replicated in the context of natural disaster relief applications in China. The findings demonstrate that bureaucratic language raises learning and compliance costs, stress, and autonomy loss, while complex information structures also increase learning costs, compliance costs, and autonomy loss. These results confirm that rule communication shapes administrative burden across policies, countries, and languages. However, differences emerge compared to the original study, in which bureaucratic language induced stigma and information complexity had no effect on compliance or autonomy loss, potentially due to contextual factors such as the complexity of Chinese logographic writing. Building on this, the extension experiment in Study 2 demonstrates that AI services reduce administrative burden. Notably, and contrary to expectations, the labeling function reduces learning, compliance, and psychological costs, while the optimization function achieves even greater reductions across all dimensions. Collectively, these findings provide empirical evidence supporting the use of AI to improve rule communication and ease administrative burden.

监管俘获、公众信任与亲环境行为

Songsong Chen, Jianhua Xu

英文原题

Regulatory Capture, Public Trust and Pro‐Environmental Behaviors

监管俘获,即特殊利益集团使监管偏离公共利益的现象,虽被广泛讨论,但其更广泛的公共后果仍未得到充分探索。我们利用中国在线调查数据,探讨了感知到的监管俘获、公众信任与亲环境行为之间的关系。研究发现,感知到的物质俘获与信息俘获(后者通过单一基于情景的代理指标衡量)与公众对地方政府(b = −0.154,−0.105)和中央政府(b = −0.087,−0.064)…

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监管俘获,即特殊利益集团使监管偏离公共利益的现象,虽被广泛讨论,但其更广泛的公共后果仍未得到充分探索。我们利用中国在线调查数据,探讨了感知到的监管俘获、公众信任与亲环境行为之间的关系。研究发现,感知到的物质俘获与信息俘获(后者通过单一基于情景的代理指标衡量)与公众对地方政府(b = −0.154,−0.105)和中央政府(b = −0.087,−0.064)的信任均呈显著负相关。在公共领域中,与非行动主义亲环境行为的直接关联始终为负,并得到跨规格自助法置信区间的支持(物质:β = −0.066 至−0.082;信息:β = −0.036 至−0.047),而若干对应的私人领域关联则不显著。间接关联仅在特定模型中成立。这些发现凸显了监管俘获的公共影响,区分了物质俘获与信息俘获,并拓展了对公众信任与亲环境行为的理解。
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Regulatory capture, where special interests steer regulation away from public interest, is widely discussed, but its broader public consequences remain underexplored. We explore the relationship between perceived regulatory capture, public trust and pro‐environmental behaviors using online survey data in China. Findings show that perceived material and information capture (the latter measured with a single scenario‐based proxy) have significant negative associations with public trust in local ( b = −0.154, −0.105) and central government ( b = −0.087, −0.064). Direct associations with non‐activist pro‐environmental behaviors in the public sphere are consistently negative and supported by bootstrapped confidence intervals across specifications (material: β = −0.066 to −0.082; information: β = −0.036 to −0.047), whereas several corresponding private sphere associations are not. Indirect associations are supported only in selected models. These findings highlight the public implications of regulatory capture, distinguishing material and information capture, and extend understanding of public trust and pro‐environmental behaviors.

合适的钥匙开合适的锁:政府回应方式与需求类型如何影响公民满意度

Na Tang, Wenjia Huang, Nana Huang, Mengyao Zhang

英文原题

The Right Key for the Right Lock: How Government Response Methods and Demand Types Affect Citizen Satisfaction

面对公民多样化且复杂的需求,政府一直在寻求提升其回应能力的方法。比喻而言,公民的需求可视为锁,而政府需要钥匙来开启它们。人工智能(AI)作为一种创新性的新钥匙,为开启通往高公民满意度之门提供了全新范式。本研究基于政府回应理论,采用 2×3 被试间调查实验,探讨政府回应方式(传统回应、AI 赋能回应)与公民需求类型(咨询、投诉/求助、建议)对公民满意度的影响。…

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面对公民多样化且复杂的需求,政府一直在寻求提升其回应能力的方法。比喻而言,公民的需求可视为锁,而政府需要钥匙来开启它们。人工智能(AI)作为一种创新性的新钥匙,为开启通往高公民满意度之门提供了全新范式。本研究基于政府回应理论,采用 2×3 被试间调查实验,探讨政府回应方式(传统回应、AI 赋能回应)与公民需求类型(咨询、投诉/求助、建议)对公民满意度的影响。研究发现,相较于传统方式,AI 赋能的政府回应显著提升了公民满意度。在需求类型中,咨询类需求带来的满意度最高,而建议类需求导致的满意度最低。此外,回应方式与需求类型之间的交互效应显著影响满意度水平。感知公平在政府回应与公民满意度之间起中介作用,而公民参与经历则具有调节效应。本研究从政府回应的视角为提升公民满意度提供了新见解,揭示了 AI 赋能政府回应的内容依赖性特征,有助于政府制定独特的 AI 回应策略,并增强与公民的数字互动。
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Faced with diverse and complex demands from citizens, the government has consistently sought ways to enhance its ability to respond. Metaphorically, citizens' needs can be viewed as locks, and the government requires keys to unlock them. Artificial intelligence (AI) is an innovative new key offering a fresh paradigm for unlocking the door to high citizen satisfaction. Drawing on government responsiveness theory, this study applies a 2 × 3 between‐subjects survey experiment to explore the impact of government response methods (traditional responses, AI‐enabled responses) and citizen demand types (consultation, complaint/help‐seeking, suggestions) on citizen satisfaction. Findings show that AI‐enabled government responses significantly increase citizen satisfaction compared to traditional approaches. Among demand types, consultation yields the highest satisfaction, while suggestion results in the lowest. Further, the satisfaction level is significantly influenced by the interaction effect between response method and demand type. Perceived fairness mediates the relationship between government responses and citizen satisfaction, with citizen participation experience having a moderating effect. This study offers new insights into increasing citizen satisfaction from the perspective of government responses. It reveals the content‐dependent nature of AI‐enabled government responses, helping the government create unique AI response strategies and enhance digital interaction with citizens.
Public Performance & Mgmt Review 期刊封面

Public Performance & Mgmt Review

社区利益相关者群体如何影响地方温室气体清单?来自美国地方政府的证据

Angela Y. S. Park, Christopher V. Hawkins, Rachel M. Krause, Minsung Michael Kang

英文原题

How Do Community Stakeholder Groups Shape Local GHG Inventories? Evidence from U.S. Local Governments

社区利益相关者在塑造城市是否测量本地温室气体排放的决策中发挥着关键作用。本研究利用两个时间点收集的调查数据,考察不同类型利益相关者群体的支持程度如何影响城市管理其温室气体清单的决策。值得注意的是,我们发现,在公众和环保团体对气候倡议的支持被认为较强的城市,以及感知到企业和社区协会反对的城市,绩效测量活动水平更高。借鉴公共管理理论,我们为利益相关者在地方温室气…

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社区利益相关者在塑造城市是否测量本地温室气体排放的决策中发挥着关键作用。本研究利用两个时间点收集的调查数据,考察不同类型利益相关者群体的支持程度如何影响城市管理其温室气体清单的决策。值得注意的是,我们发现,在公众和环保团体对气候倡议的支持被认为较强的城市,以及感知到企业和社区协会反对的城市,绩效测量活动水平更高。借鉴公共管理理论,我们为利益相关者在地方温室气体排放测量工作中的影响提供了见解,并识别了推动这些实践发展的因素。
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Community stakeholders play a pivotal role in shaping cities’ decisions about whether to measure local GHG emissions. Using survey data collected at two points in time, this study examines how varying levels of support from different types of stakeholder groups influence cities’ decisions to manage their GHG inventories. Notably, we find higher levels of performance measurement activity in cities where support from the public and environmental groups for climate initiatives is perceived as strong, as well as in cities that perceive opposition from business and neighborhood associations. Drawing on public management theories, we offer insights into stakeholder influence in local GHG emission measurement efforts and identify factors driving the advancement of these practices.

考察种族与就业部门在公众参与中的作用

Rui Wang, William G Prince, Anna A. Amirkhanyan

英文原题

Examining the Role of Race and Sector of Employment in Public Participation

美国政治选举参与中的种族差距已得到充分证实,但在治理的其他公共参与形式中,种族差异的研究相对较少。本研究考察了九种不同公共参与策略中的种族差异,并进一步探讨了公共部门、非营利部门和营利部门员工在参与中的种族差异。基于五次当前人口调查公民参与补充数据的回归分析表明,美国黑人与白人在治理参与方式上存在差异:黑人倾向于选择非正式且成本较低的参与形式,这对政策制定与…

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美国政治选举参与中的种族差距已得到充分证实,但在治理的其他公共参与形式中,种族差异的研究相对较少。本研究考察了九种不同公共参与策略中的种族差异,并进一步探讨了公共部门、非营利部门和营利部门员工在参与中的种族差异。基于五次当前人口调查公民参与补充数据的回归分析表明,美国黑人与白人在治理参与方式上存在差异:黑人倾向于选择非正式且成本较低的参与形式,这对政策制定与实施中纳入声音的多样性产生了影响。然而,与我们的理论预期相反,种族差异在政府雇员中比其他部门雇员更为显著。公共机构应创造更具包容性的参与机会,减少参与障碍,并为少数族裔的参与提供激励措施。
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With the racial gap in political-electoral participation well established in the U.S., less is known about racial disparities in other forms of public engagement in governance. This study examines racial differences across nine distinct public participation strategies. It also investigates racial disparities in participation across public, nonprofit, and for-profit sector employees. Regressions conducted using five waves of the Current Population Survey Civic Engagement Supplement suggest that Black and White Americans participate in governance in different ways: Blacks opt for less formal and less costly forms of participation, with ramifications for the diversity of voices included in policy design and implementation. However, contrary to our theoretical expectations, the racial disparities are more pronounced among government employees than among employees in other sectors. Public institutions should create more inclusive opportunities for participation, minimize burdens, and provide incentives for engagement among minorities.

绩效反馈与战略报告——来自中国政府工作报告的证据

Tianyi Gao, Yixue Yao

英文原题

Performance Feedback and Strategic Reporting—Evidence from China’s Government Work Report

以往关于绩效游戏行为的研究主要聚焦于数据操纵和努力操纵。本文探讨了公共组织中一种广泛的绩效游戏形式——策略性报告,识别出四种策略:纯文本报告、社会比较基准转移、历史比较基准转移以及绝对水平缺失。基于有限理性与责任规避理论,本文研究了正面与负面的绩效反馈如何塑造策略性报告行为。利用中国地级市政府 2013 至 2019 年的数据,logit 模型结果显示四种策…

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以往关于绩效游戏行为的研究主要聚焦于数据操纵和努力操纵。本文探讨了公共组织中一种广泛的绩效游戏形式——策略性报告,识别出四种策略:纯文本报告、社会比较基准转移、历史比较基准转移以及绝对水平缺失。基于有限理性与责任规避理论,本文研究了正面与负面的绩效反馈如何塑造策略性报告行为。利用中国地级市政府 2013 至 2019 年的数据,logit 模型结果显示四种策略性报告策略存在系统性差异。所有四种策略均与负面绩效反馈正相关,而除历史基准转移外的所有策略均与正面绩效反馈负相关。这些发现丰富了绩效游戏与绩效反馈领域的文献,同时为加强政府透明度与问责制提供了实践启示。
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Previous research on performance gaming behavior has primarily focused on data manipulation and effort manipulation. This article examines strategic reporting, a broad form of performance gaming in public organizations, by identifying four strategies: text-only reporting, social comparison benchmark shifting, historical comparison benchmark shifting, and absolute level absence. Drawing on theories of bounded rationality and blame avoidance, it investigates how positive and negative performance feedback shape strategic reporting behavior. Using data from Chinese municipal governments (2013–2019), logit model results suggest systematic variation across four strategic reporting strategies. All four strategies are positively associated with negative performance feedback, while all strategies but historical benchmark shifting are negatively associated with positive performance feedback. These findings contribute to the literature on performance gaming and performance feedback, while offering practical implications for strengthening governmental transparency and accountability.
Administration & Society 期刊封面

Administration & Society

制度逻辑、赋能结构与共青团服务空间生产——以 G 市“青年之家”项目为例

Shuchao Yang, Ziyi Yang

英文原题

Institutional Logics, Empowerment Structures, and the Service Space Production of the Communist Youth League—A Case Study of the “Youth Homeland” Project in City G

本研究旨在回应一个核心的理论与实践问题:在制度约束与资源稀缺的双重限制下,共青团作为群团组织如何能动地生产服务空间以履行其服务职能?为探究此问题,本文整合列斐伏尔的空间生产理论与制度逻辑视角,构建了“制度逻辑—赋权结构—组织空间生产”的分析框架。通过对 G 市“青年之家”项目的案例分析,本研究发现,共青团并非被动受制于制度环境与资源局限,而是主动利用其处于政…

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本研究旨在回应一个核心的理论与实践问题:在制度约束与资源稀缺的双重限制下,共青团作为群团组织如何能动地生产服务空间以履行其服务职能?为探究此问题,本文整合列斐伏尔的空间生产理论与制度逻辑视角,构建了“制度逻辑—赋权结构—组织空间生产”的分析框架。通过对 G 市“青年之家”项目的案例分析,本研究发现,共青团并非被动受制于制度环境与资源局限,而是主动利用其处于政治、社会与专业多重制度逻辑交汇点的“结构洞”优势,采取行政赋权、社会赋权与技术赋权相结合的策略,获取服务空间生产的关键资源。其中,行政赋权界定了服务空间的核心边界与合法性,社会赋权拓展了服务空间的边缘边界与资源网络,技术赋权则重塑了服务供给的过程与效能。研究进一步揭示,制度逻辑决定赋权结构,制度要素的整合为空间生产开启机会窗口,制度变迁则推动服务空间的转型与重构。本文的理论贡献在于将组织空间生产研究从内部物质分析拓展至外部社会场域视角,将“制度”“行动者”与“共同生产”引入组织空间研究,揭示了威权体制下群团组织如何通过策略性赋权,借助制度逻辑拓展行动空间的微观机制,为理解当代中国群团组织及同类机构的服务功能与转型提供了新的分析视角。
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This study aims to address a core theoretical and practical question: Under the dual constraints of institutional limitations and resource scarcity, how does the Communist Youth League, as a mass organization, actively produce service spaces to fulfill its service functions? To explore this question, our analysis integrates Lefebvre’s theory of space production with the institutional logics perspective to construct an analytical framework of “institutional logics–empowerment structure–organizational space production.” Through a case analysis of the “Youth Homeland” project in City G, this study finds that the Communist Youth League is not passively constrained by institutional environments and resource limitations. Instead, it proactively leverages its “structural hole” advantage at the intersection of multiple institutional logics—political, social, and professional—by employing a combined strategy of administrative empowerment, social empowerment, and technological empowerment to secure critical resources for the production of service spaces. Among these, administrative empowerment defines the core boundaries and legitimacy of service spaces, social empowerment expands their peripheral boundaries and resource networks, and technological empowerment reshapes the processes and effectiveness of service delivery. The investigation further reveals that institutional logics determine the empowerment structure, the integration of institutional factors opens windows of opportunity for space production, and institutional changes drive the transformation and restructuring of service spaces. The article’s theoretical contribution lies in expanding the study of organizational space production from an internal material analysis to an external social field perspective. It introduces “institution,” “agency,” and “co-production” into organizational space research, uncovering the micro-mechanisms through which mass organizations strategically employ empowerment to expand their action spaces by leveraging institutional logics in an authoritarian context. This offers a new analytical perspective for understanding the service functions and transformation of mass organizations and similar institutions in contemporary China.

去层级化而不失层级:政府数字传播中可见性驱动的灵活再层级化

Di Zhu, Wei Qin

英文原题

Flattening Without Leveling: Visibility-Driven Flexible Re-Hierarchization in Government Digital Communication

有效的数字沟通是政府服务供给中的战略要务,然而新兴的信息传播模式仍未得到充分探索。本研究以重庆数字警务改革为案例,基于访谈与观察,构建了一个以“可见性驱动的弹性再层级化”为核心的分析框架。分析识别出三种机制:向上可见性与纵向绕过实现了功能上的扁平化,而无需正式削减层级;跨边界横向联动打破了部门壁垒,同时保持了集中协调;双模式切换则在常规网络化沟通与动员式层级…

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有效的数字沟通是政府服务供给中的战略要务,然而新兴的信息传播模式仍未得到充分探索。本研究以重庆数字警务改革为案例,基于访谈与观察,构建了一个以“可见性驱动的弹性再层级化”为核心的分析框架。分析识别出三种机制:向上可见性与纵向绕过实现了功能上的扁平化,而无需正式削减层级;跨边界横向联动打破了部门壁垒,同时保持了集中协调;双模式切换则在常规网络化沟通与动员式层级沟通之间转换信息秩序。数字技术并未使官僚制扁平化,而是赋予其在两种秩序间灵活切换的弹性能力。
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Effective digital communication is a strategic imperative for government service delivery, yet the emerging information dissemination model emerging remains underexplored. Drawing on Chongqing’s digital-policing reform, this study develops an analytical framework centered on visibility-driven flexible re-hierarchization, based on interviews and observations. The analysis identifies three mechanisms: upward visibility and vertical bypass produce functional flattening without formal delayering; cross-boundary horizontal linkage dissolves departmental silos while preserving centralized coordination; and dual-mode switching shifts the information order between routine networked and mobilizational hierarchical communication. Digital technology does not flatten bureaucracy but endows it with an elastic capacity to switch between the two orders.

多户住宅中的邻里噪音问题:一个综合性的解决框架

Sang Hee Park, Hye-Kyung Shin, Kyoung-Woo Kim, Seongwon Yoon

英文原题

Neighbor Noise Problem in Multifamily Housing: An Integrative Framework for Resolution

多户住宅在城市地区普遍存在,邻里噪音问题频发。本研究设计了一种基于治理的方法来管理和预防噪音问题,标志着从传统降噪技术的进步。采用定性研究方法,包括对居民和专业人士的访谈,提出的框架将五个关键领域分类:个人、社区、社会、行业和公共。该框架强调领域间的互动,识别关键行动者,并提出针对各领域的解决活动。所提出的治理模型并非提供固定解决方案,而是适应多种情境,促进…

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多户住宅在城市地区普遍存在,邻里噪音问题频发。本研究设计了一种基于治理的方法来管理和预防噪音问题,标志着从传统降噪技术的进步。采用定性研究方法,包括对居民和专业人士的访谈,提出的框架将五个关键领域分类:个人、社区、社会、行业和公共。该框架强调领域间的互动,识别关键行动者,并提出针对各领域的解决活动。所提出的治理模型并非提供固定解决方案,而是适应多种情境,促进可持续且情境敏感的噪音管理方法。
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Multifamily housing is common in urban areas, and neighbor noise is a frequent problem. In this study, a governance-based approach was designed for managing and preventing noise problems, marking an advance from conventional noise-reduction technologies. Using qualitative methods, including interviews with residents and professionals, the proposed framework categorizes five key sectors: individual, community, society, industry, and public. It highlights sector interactions, identifies key actors, and suggests sector-specific activities for resolution. Rather than offering a fixed solution, the proposed governance model is adaptable to various contexts, promoting sustainable and context-sensitive approaches to noise management.

公民席位的对话:私营部门行为如何促进公私合作中与公民的协调一致

Jessica Clement, Giovanni Esposito, Nathalie Crutzen

英文原题

The Citizen’s Seat at the Table: How Private Sector Behavior Fosters Alignment With Citizens in Public-Private Partnerships

公民在公私合作伙伴关系(PPPs)中扮演着至关重要的角色。然而,这些公民往往参与不足,被排除在决策过程之外,导致其利益与公私合作方不一致。鉴于私营部门行为在 PPP 中的重要性,我们旨在识别其行为如何促进利益协调,以满足公民期望。我们运用价值经济学框架和比较案例研究,识别支持利益协调的行为机制,如亲自面向公民提供服务、适应性、进行小额善意举动,并长期维持这些…

阅读完整摘要 ↗
公民在公私合作伙伴关系(PPPs)中扮演着至关重要的角色。然而,这些公民往往参与不足,被排除在决策过程之外,导致其利益与公私合作方不一致。鉴于私营部门行为在 PPP 中的重要性,我们旨在识别其行为如何促进利益协调,以满足公民期望。我们运用价值经济学框架和比较案例研究,识别支持利益协调的行为机制,如亲自面向公民提供服务、适应性、进行小额善意举动,并长期维持这些行为。
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Citizens play a crucial role in public-private partnerships (PPPs). Yet, such citizens often are poorly engaged and excluded from decision-making, leading to situations where their interests do not align with the public and private partners. Recognizing the importance of private sector behaviors in PPPs, we aim to identify how their behaviors play a role in aligning these interests to meet citizen expectations. We use the Economies of Worth framework and a comparative case study to identify behavioral mechanisms to support alignment, such as being available to citizens in person, adaptability, engaging in small goodwill gestures, and sustaining these behaviors over time.

风险与韧性:在市场动荡中管理公共交通合同承包

Suzanne M. Leland, Juita-Elena (Wie) Yusuf, Olga V. Smirnova

英文原题

Risk and Resilience: Managing Public Transit Contracting During a Disrupted Market

本研究考察了 COVID-19 疫情期间美国交通机构的合同承包行为,旨在评估两种相互竞争的预测:(1)新公共管理理论预期增加外包以实现成本节约和风险转移;(2)制度惯性理论则预测由于结构性障碍,承包行为将保持稳定。我们的研究结果强烈支持制度惯性理论。尽管确认疫情是一次重大干扰,但承包行为及其认知仍保持稳定。这种惯性的机制在于,外包与运营成果改善并无关联,表明…

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本研究考察了 COVID-19 疫情期间美国交通机构的合同承包行为,旨在评估两种相互竞争的预测:(1)新公共管理理论预期增加外包以实现成本节约和风险转移;(2)制度惯性理论则预测由于结构性障碍,承包行为将保持稳定。我们的研究结果强烈支持制度惯性理论。尽管确认疫情是一次重大干扰,但承包行为及其认知仍保持稳定。这种惯性的机制在于,外包与运营成果改善并无关联,表明缺乏推动变革的经济激励。所观察到的稳定性反映了核心公共管理结构在外部隔绝下的韧性。
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This study examines the contracting behavior of U.S. transit agencies during the COVID-19 pandemic to assess two competing predictions: (1) New Public Management expects increased contracting to achieve cost savings and shift risk, and (2) institutional inertia predicts stability due to structural barriers. Our findings demonstrate overwhelming support for institutional inertia. Despite confirming the pandemic was a major disruption, contracting behavior and perceptions remained stable. The mechanism for this inertia is that contracting is not associated with improved operational outcomes, suggesting the absence of economic incentives for change. The stability observed reflects externally insulated resilience of core public management structures.
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